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This is known as the list system or system of proportional representation. The court ruled that an adult South African citizen who is not a member of a political party can run in elections for the National and Provincial Parliaments and, if elected, can serve.
It has given Parliament two years to change the Electoral Act to provide for that. And that is all. The court did not find that constituencies must be introduced.
The court specifically declined to consider the merits of a constituency-based system versus a proportional representation system.
All the court required was that the Electoral Act must be changed to allow independents to stand… and that is it.
When making this change Parliament may, in its wisdom and discretion, decide to introduce constituencies into our electoral system.
That is possible, but it is not required by the judgement. Parliament can, for example, decide to simply allow independents to stand on the list system.
If they can then get the minimum number of votes to get into Parliament in that was about 32 votes the independent goes off to Parliament.
South Africans are frustrated by their perceived inability to hold public representatives accountable. Dysfunctional municipalities, sloppy or non-existent service delivery, and the failure of Parliament to stop the rot of the Zuma years are all contributing to a deep frustration among ordinary citizens on how to hold elected officials to account.
Constituencies are perceived to be the panacea. However, evidence does not support that notion.
Those MPs who refused were simply kicked out by Boris Johnson. Constituency representatives stand under the whip of the party and the party can force them to take positions irrespective of how their constituent feels.
In municipal elections in South Africa every voter has two votes: one for the ward where he or she lives a constituency really and one for a political party a proportional or list system.
There is no evidence that ward councillors are more efficient or accountable than list councillors. In fact, at a local government level with constituencies there is arguably less efficiency and accountability than at national government level with a proportional or list system.
Those who long for constituencies must be careful what they wish for. The biggest negative of a constituency system is that it often leads to undemocratic outcomes.
In Donald Trump lost the election against Hillary Clinton by 3 million votes, but still became president because a majority of state delegates in the electoral college elected him as president.
The US president is not elected by popular vote but by an electoral college in which representatives of the 50 states sit — a variant of a constituency system.
It also happened in when George W Bush got half a million fewer votes than Al Gore , but still became president.
Yet the NP got a majority of five seats in Parliament. Imagine where South Africa could have been if, in , the country had a proportional system and not a constituency system.
Constituencies breed disproportionality. There are several reasons for this disproportionality between election results and parliamentary representation:.
Having some votes count more than others is discrimination based on geography. In electoral systems we have overcome discrimination based on gender and race, but not yet geography.
None of these disadvantages apply in a proportional system. It clearly benefits minority parties and prevents parties from getting more seats than they got votes for.
This applies to all three levels of government. Germany also requires proportionality in its Parliament, but it also runs a constituency system.
There are constituencies, and members are elected from a proportional list, resulting in a Parliament of at least members. Additional seats are then allocated to parties to make sure that they end up with their proportion of votes collected.
The current Bundestag consists of members — additional seats had to be allocated to balance the numbers between the parties.
Looks like an expensive system. Another outcome is that Germany is almost always ruled by a coalition — no one party obtains a sufficient majority to rule on its own.
Does accountability flow from structure or from attitude and critical mindset? Zimbabwe has a constituency-based system, yet one does not get the impression that there is a lot of accountability.
I would put my money on culture and mindset. Now, many seniors may avoid taking the bait and turning to some over-priced investment property just because their 3 percent CD now yields 1 percent.
But in taking the lower yield, those savers are forced into a lower income, a lower ability to consume, and a lower quality of life.
For borrowers ultimately suffer, too, as money is borrowed and allocated into capital projects that simply would not happen without the enticing allure of the artificially suppressed cost of capital.
Finding the balance between risk and reward is a fundamental element in any business and, by extension, is the lifeblood of free markets. Money is lent that otherwise would not be lent the debt-service level becomes reasonable when the cost of that debt is artificially suppressed.
Thus, money is most certainly borrowed that otherwise would not be borrowed. The result is an excess of leverage, greater systemic risk, and a constantly reduced return environment.
Some might argue that low rates simply hurt those who lack the brio to spend freely or invest like a cowboy instead of a grandmother.
The expected rate of return on any given project, innovation or risk-taking endeavor, is inevitably influenced by the prevailing discount rate.
An ultra-low risk-free rate changes the culture of industry. Its titans become financial managers, and not creative operators.
When overall expected rates of return are pushed down in concert with the low cost of funds, the end result is a higher bid in the price of legacy assets, and a lack of investment into new assets.
Low rates motivate a company to buy its competitor; natural rates motivate a company to beat its competitor. We all suffer in a society stuck in a period of financialization, where companies can survive and even thrive with sub-optimal productivity.
Those who believe free enterprise to be a process for maximizing human ingenuity, for optimizing human capabilities towards a greater prosperity, should be striving for maximum productivity out of our economy every day.
An economy spoiled by low interest rates gets fat, lazy, and mediocre — because it can. It lacks motivation, hustle, and dynamism, deprives itself of its best use and capability.
This is the real sin and the real danger of permanently low interest rates: They suppress growth, and in suppressing growth, suppress human flourishing.
But even if we look beyond our current COVID economy, there is little our central bank or other central banks can do in a world characterized by excessive sovereign indebtedness.
Low rates are necessary but not sufficient to finance the deficits of countries who lack basic budgetary discipline.
And the conclusion to be drawn from this is not only that low rates are not all they are cracked up to be, but that they are also a symptom of the underlying problem of excessive indebtedness.
And if excessive indebtedness is the consequence of the excessive size of government, then the excessive size of government is standing in the way of our prosperity.
A security guard walks in front of an image of the Federal Reserve in Washington, D. Most Popular U.
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Andrew Cuomo is spiking the football, dunking the basketball, and dashing around the soccer field taking off his shirt.
Only 31, deaths. Thousands of travelers carried the coronavirus from New York around the United States in early March, triggering most of the new cases that erupted nationwide.
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